Tyrol Travel on What interests us more is how the affective and emotional nature of many tasks and activities required from migrant domestic workers point to the absolute peculiarity of the relationship between them and their employers. One should add here that because they both tend to be women, notions of sisterhood have been employed and tested in feminist debates to interpret and reform this relationship (Anderson 2003,113). An important feature of these debates is their questioning of the notion of universal sisterhood, which has been criticized by postcolonial feminists, such as Chandra Mohanty, who focus on the material and ideological differences within and among groups of women (Mohanty 2003,116). In her book on migrant Filipina domestic workers in Los Angeles and Rome, Rhacel Salazar Parrenas describes four key dislocations associated with the migratory experience of these laborers: partial citizenship, the pain of family separation, contradictory class mobility, and non-belonging (Parrenas 2001, 23).
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It is important to keep in mind the relevance of these dislocations, because they (particularly the first and fourth) provide a key to the analysis of the processes of ethnicization that organize the domestic and care labor markets. At the same time, it is important to emphasize the transnationalism of migrant domestic workers, noting that their daily lives and practices are predicated on multiple, constant interconnections across borders (28-29). The transnational spaces of mobility inhabited by these women are indeed spaces of circulation of affect (through the daily communication with children, families and friends at home) and money (through remittances).
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