Corum Travel on Such a legal production of illegality creates a range of subject positions, which correspond to the multiple ways migrants can be undocumented, including the fragile statuses they can acquire through certain employment arrangements or recognition on the part of public and private bureaucracies (for example, the possession of a driver’s license or credit card). The illegal migrant also becomes a deportable subject, whose position in both the polity and the labor market is marked by and negotiated through the condition of deportability, even if actual removal is a distant possibility or a threat that has become the background to a whole series of lifetime activities. Nicholas De Genova and Nathalie Peutz (2010) point out that the forced removal of illegal migrants, which has reached an unprecedented scale in the contemporary world, has a tangible impact upon countless others, who experience illegality not merely as an anomalous juridical status but also a practical, materially consequential, and deeply interiorized mode of being (De Genova and Peutz 2010,14). Furthermore, the deportable migrant becomes entangled, even if only in a distant and implicit way, in a web of arrangements that involve actors and institutions, including police forces, nongovernmental organizations, airline companies, and other, so-called carriers of migration. The geography of what De Genova and Peutz call the deportation regime involves a kind of reverse tracing of the actual routes forged by migrants who strike out for new destinations. Increasingly, the means and methods of deportation include even voluntary repatriation schemes that seek to entice return migration in periods of crisis with the offer of benefits and the implicit threat of forced removal (Andrijasevic and Walters 2010; Diinnwald 2010). But deportation does not necessarily involve repatriation. Corum Travel 2016.